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Akaka Bill amendment analysis:
Amended bill strengthens protection
against race-based lawsuits
By William Meheula
William Meheula is a Honolulu attorney who has litigated
a wide variety of Hawaiian issues.
News articles about the Akaka Bill (S 147) frequently mention
uncertainty about the potential outcome of any negotiations of
Native Hawaiians claims. Some Native Hawaiians argue that significant
legal rights will be waived under the negotiation process set
forth in S. 147. Other opponents of the bill argue that S. 147
will result in a significant transfer of assets by the State of
Hawaii, the United States and the residents of Hawaii to the Native
Hawaiian Governing Entity (NHGE). At this point, the only thing
that is certain is that S. 147 permits negotiations to address
the injustice to Native Hawaiians described in the 1993 Apology
Resolution and restated in S 147.
The claims are primarily the damage to Native Hawaiians caused
by America’s participation in the 1893 illegal overthrow
of the Hawaiian Kingdom. This damage would include loss of the
ceded lands. There are other claims such as unresolved claims
that OHA and DHHL have against the state. The reparations package
will probably include return of some ceded lands, money, jurisdiction
and entitlements regarding the transferred lands, and perhaps
taxation breaks to lessen the cash component. The U.S. and the
state will likely receive a release of the claims and clear title
to the ceded lands that they retain. The settlement package would
be determined in negotiations between the NHGE, the State and
the U.S.
An often-asked question is why these claims have not been settled
earlier. The main reason is lack of standing, because the majority
of the Native Hawaiians have not been organized in a form of government
since the 1893 overthrow of the Hawaiian Kingdom. Without a government,
the U.S. and state have no authorized Native Hawaiian representative
to negotiate with. For example, who would control the reparations
and who could effectively release the U.S. and the state in the
settlement agreement? This is why formation of the NHGE is a prerequisite
to settlement negotiations. Any delay in formation of the NHGE
is simply a delay of reparations for Native Hawaiians and continued
exposure to race-based lawsuits against OHA, DHHL and Kamehameha
Schools.
Another frequently asked question is whether these claims can
be resolved through litigation. Under the U.S. and the state constitutions,
the U.S. and the state are immune from lawsuits in American courts
unless such sovereign immunity has been clearly waived. To date,
neither the U.S. nor the state has waived its sovereign immunity
to permit lawsuits to address the overthrow claims. The earlier
version of S. 147 (before the 9/16/05 amendments) discussed a
20-year statute of limitations but it did not include a waiver
of sovereign immunity. Therefore, even before the amendments,
the NHGE would likely be barred from litigating the overthrow
claim against the U.S. and the State.
One may argue that once the NHGE is recognized by the U.S. that
it could sue under the limited waiver of sovereign immunity granted
to Indian tribes. However, the earlier version of S. 147 did not
expressly recognize NHGE as an Indian tribe. This defect in the
earlier version of S. 147 exposed it to 14th Amendment equal-protection
challenges. Therefore, a new provision states that the NHGE’s
special political and legal relationship with the U.S. will be
the type that the U.S. “has with the several federally recognized
Indian tribes.” This language significantly improves the
probability of defeating any 14th Amendment lawsuit.
However, because this amendment might be construed as extending
to the NHGE the waiver of sovereign immunity now enjoyed by Native
Americans, the recent amendments also expressly state that the
bill does not waive sovereign immunity in favor of the NHGE. Therefore,
if there is going to be any reparations, they will have to be
achieved through negotiations between the NHGE, the U.S. and the
State.
The reality is that Native Hawaiians had no role in the amendments
because there is no NHGE. Therefore, the ultimate question is
whether the amended S. 147 is better than the status quo and the
answer to that is overwhelming yes. In fact, the amendments on
balance improve S. 147 because they significantly strengthen the
defense against 14th Amendment challenges, they did not effectively
change the analysis with respect to sovereign immunity, and they
virtually guarantee that the president will not veto any passage
of the bill by the Senate and House because the Justice Department
approved of the amendments. Some may argue that S. 147 should
include a waiver of sovereign immunity. However, at this point
in history, the U.S. does not favor granting the NHGE that right,
and thus the next best realistic alternative is to negotiate the
claims.
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